Beyond Division: 'Multicultural Nationalism' and the White Working-Class
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Keir Starmer's regret at talking of an "island of strangers" was widely seen as a defeat for the newly resurgent 'Blue Labour' faction - even if his Government's white paper still claimed that immigration has caused "incalculable damage".
But the partial retreat leaves fundamental questions unanswered. What should Labour's relationship be with white working-class voters? And, as political divides open around diversity, how can we all live together?
The answers lie in a 'multicultural nationalism' that creates explicit space for white working-class experiences, views, and aspirations within a cohesive diverse nation.
Fifteen years ago, Blue Labour was a radical communitarian grouping saying little about immigration. Indeed, it was partially defined by its support for the community-based living wage campaign of the hyper-diverse Citizens UK.
In its recent reinvention, Blue Labour posits that Labour should mirror Reform UK's appeal to immigration-sceptical and socially-conservative white and predominantly working-class voters.
The Identity Trap: Race, Representation and the Rise of Conservative Diversity
Rishi Sunak is in the running to be Britain's first prime minister of colour - but the debate around whether this will be a good thing for ethnic minorities has laid bare conflicting ideas about the 'individual' and the 'collective', writes Hardeep Matharu
Hardeep Matharu
Starmer is perhaps now realising that this approach won't undermine Nigel Farage's offer of 'the real thing' but may send more liberal supporters towards the Liberal Democrats or Greens.
But Labour cannot turn its back on white working-class voters.
Many Reform supporters have never voted for Labour and never would. But crucial voters do choose between the two, and they won't vote for a Labour Party that only caters for its liberal wing.
Treating large numbers of voters as though they deserve no place or voice in society will simply stoke the social tensions we saw last summer.
Multiculturalism developed in the late 20th Century to accommodate ethnic minority and faith communities within a wider white-majority Britain. After the turn of the century, it was blamed for encouraging 'Muslim separatism' and enabling violent political terrorism.
Critics ignored the similar problems in European nations that had never embraced multiculturalism, and the evidence that the UK was one of Europe's more cohesive countries. Officially abandoned as a state philosophy by Conservative Prime Minister David Cameron in 2010, multiculturalism remains the way that much of the public sector, private business, and liberal opinion thinks about a diverse society.
But a multiculturalism that is only supported by social liberals cannot create a cohesive nation. That must, by definition,
Packed with exclusive investigations, analysis, and features
SUBSCRIBE TODAY
Keir Starmer's regret at talking of an "island of strangers" was widely seen as a defeat for the newly resurgent 'Blue Labour' faction - even if his Government's white paper still claimed that immigration has caused "incalculable damage".
But the partial retreat leaves fundamental questions unanswered. What should Labour's relationship be with white working-class voters? And, as political divides open around diversity, how can we all live together?
The answers lie in a 'multicultural nationalism' that creates explicit space for white working-class experiences, views, and aspirations within a cohesive diverse nation.
Fifteen years ago, Blue Labour was a radical communitarian grouping saying little about immigration. Indeed, it was partially defined by its support for the community-based living wage campaign of the hyper-diverse Citizens UK.
In its recent reinvention, Blue Labour posits that Labour should mirror Reform UK's appeal to immigration-sceptical and socially-conservative white and predominantly working-class voters.
The Identity Trap: Race, Representation and the Rise of Conservative Diversity
Rishi Sunak is in the running to be Britain's first prime minister of colour - but the debate around whether this will be a good thing for ethnic minorities has laid bare conflicting ideas about the 'individual' and the 'collective', writes Hardeep Matharu
Hardeep Matharu
Starmer is perhaps now realising that this approach won't undermine Nigel Farage's offer of 'the real thing' but may send more liberal supporters towards the Liberal Democrats or Greens.
But Labour cannot turn its back on white working-class voters.
Many Reform supporters have never voted for Labour and never would. But crucial voters do choose between the two, and they won't vote for a Labour Party that only caters for its liberal wing.
Treating large numbers of voters as though they deserve no place or voice in society will simply stoke the social tensions we saw last summer.
Multiculturalism developed in the late 20th Century to accommodate ethnic minority and faith communities within a wider white-majority Britain. After the turn of the century, it was blamed for encouraging 'Muslim separatism' and enabling violent political terrorism.
Critics ignored the similar problems in European nations that had never embraced multiculturalism, and the evidence that the UK was one of Europe's more cohesive countries. Officially abandoned as a state philosophy by Conservative Prime Minister David Cameron in 2010, multiculturalism remains the way that much of the public sector, private business, and liberal opinion thinks about a diverse society.
But a multiculturalism that is only supported by social liberals cannot create a cohesive nation. That must, by definition,
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